The
use of anatomically correct dolls for truthful and accurate accounts of child
sexual abuse has increasingly been a hot debate since their introduction in the
1980’s. Some believe these dolls are the most important tools in determining
child sexual abuse (Shamroy, 1987) while others tend to believe these methods
do not facilitate such accurate reporting (Bruck & Ceci, 1997). Issues such
as the reliability of childrens’ testimonies, interviewers’ impact on such
testimonies, and even the dolls themselves present a rather large question:
should the use of anatomically correct dolls be continued in child sexual abuse
cases?
Child Testimony
Getting children to talk about traumatic experiences
can be a daunting task for even professionals. Shamroy (1987) states that
anatomically correct dolls are not only useful in obtaining testimonies from
sexually abused children but especially those sexually abused children “who are
embarrassed, young, mentally handicapped, have a short attention span, or do
not know the terminology necessary to describe a sexual molestation “(p. 165).
What this observation indicates is that anatomically correct dolls present a
relatively indirect method of giving information to the interviewer – a method
that may be more comfortable to the child, allowing him or her to give a
better, more accurate recollection of events that may or may not have actually
occurred.
Who is to say what the child does
with the doll is directly relevant to the sexual abuse questions at hand? The
questions remains as to whether or not the child’s play is influenced by other
factors such as television, or perhaps the child may have even accidentally
walked in on his or her parents having sex. The point is, there doesn’t seem to
be a for sure way to determine whether or not the child’s use of a doll
directly reflects instances of sexual abuse. Bruck and Ceci (1997) point out
that the simple novelty of the dolls had a direct correlation as to whether or
not the child inserted fingers and other objects into the doll’s cavities.
Anyone with children, or who work with children, will know that a child is
naturally very curious. It is not uncommon for a child to undress a Barbie or
G.I. Joe just to see what’s underneath the clothes, but do these actions
directly reflect child abuse in every instance? No. Due to their curious
nature, one would assume a child would naturally insert objects into the
cavities of an anatomically correct doll simply because they have never done so
before.
A study conducted by Goodman and
Aman (1990) found that despite the presence of anatomically correct dolls,
children did not provide spontaneous reports of sexual abuse, nor did visual
cues or reenactments of events with dolls significantly increase the amount of
correct information “verbally recalled” (p. 1868). None of the children in this
study were ever sexually abused themselves, but the anatomically correct dolls did
not lead them to make false reports of sexual abuse. Do these findings
discredit the general curiosity of children? Not exactly. The researchers in
the Goodman and Aman study relied on verbal recall of sexual incidences rather
than simple play performed by the child. A child simply playing with a doll and
a child explicitly telling an interviewer what happened are two different
things.
Perhaps the child does talk with an
interviewer but uses terminology for certain things the interviewer is unsure
of. For example, perhaps a child uses a completely different term (i.e. doodle)
for his penis. How is the interviewer to know what the child is referring to?
One of the recommendations for using the anatomically correct doll is to help
interviewers in understanding children’s names for body parts (Larson et al.,
1994). Aiding an interviewer in labeling body parts could be beneficial in
recounting sexual abuse through interviews, but relying solely on doll play
could lead to disappointing results in court.
In the case of Iowa v. Mueller (1983), Mueller was convicted of sexually abusing
his three-year-old son. The prosecution relied heavily on the child’s testimony
by means of doll use, which ultimately led the court ruling that interpreting
sex acts with a doll is considered hearsay and is not admissible in court. The
simple question as to whether or not the child was accurate in conveying sexual
abuse with the doll granted Mueller a retrial.
One could argue that the
three-year-old son’s testimony in the Mueller case could have been a big factor
in deciding a retrial – could it be the son was simply too young to influence
the court? In Utah v. Rimmasch
(1989), Rimmasch was convicted of multiple offenses for sexually abusing his
daughter from ages seven to fourteen. Even though the daughter was seventeen
when testifying, the court ruled that the profile evidence was inadmissible
because there was a question as to the reliability of the scientific principles
that the expert testimony was based (on the anatomically correct doll). Also,
the state failed to show that the experts were capable of reliably determining
whether the daughter was telling the truth based on the doll. This case shows
that even though the child may be old enough to accurately testify in court,
basing testimonies on dolls not accepted by the scientific community is a
problem.
Impact of the Interviewer
Shamroy (1987) states “all
practitioners who interact with children who are suspected to or have been sexually abused will find anatomically
correct dolls helpful” (emphases mine, p. 166). This statement may lead its
readers to believe that an interviewer’s use of anatomically correct dolls is
quite beneficial; however, if an interviewer suspects that a child has been sexual abused then the issue of interviewer
bias arises. Bruck and Ceci (1997) agree “dolls may be suggestive if children
have not made allegations but are asked by an interviewer who suspects abuse to
demonstrate abuse with dolls” (p. 77). For instance, an interviewer who
suspects a child has been sexually abused will most likely generate leading
questions implicating such allegations, causing the child to respond in a
satisfactory (for the interviewer) but inaccurate way. Interviewer’s uneven and
unskilled use of dolls, and the need for multiple interviews makes the child
interviewing process problematic (Steward et al., 1996). If continuously pressed and prompted by an
interviewer who suspects child abuse, a child’s false accusations could
potentially snowball. Skinner (1996) agrees that the greatest problem when
using dolls seems to be the interviewers, themselves.
However, when interviewing with
dolls, Santtila et al. (2004) found that “the number of details elicited by
children significantly decreased, while the number of words in the
interviewer’s utterances increased” (p. 33). These findings indicate that when
using dolls, interviewers are actively prompting children to respond, which, in
turn, seems to have an altogether adverse affect on the interviewing process.
The question arises: are children simply giving false accusations to satisfy
these harassing interviewers? It’s a logical possibility that should not be
overlooked. Many children do not have a sound constitution, giving them
susceptibility when confronted with pressuring interviewers talking about
things children do not have yet a full understanding of.
On the other hand, Steward et al.
(1996) claims that doll assisted direct questions yield significantly more
accurate information than open-ended questions alone and/or open-ended
questions with dolls. With regards to this study, again, the question arises as
to whether the experience these researchers have in interviewing impact their
findings. In general, most interviewers do not have the expertise the
researchers in the Steward et al. study bring to the table. Yet direct
questions can be much more leading and subjective than open-ended questions. If
the researcher honestly believes the child will give much more accurate
information when using the doll, then could the researcher unconsciously phrase
their questions in a way to get those results? Notice, too, not much is said
about direct questions without doll
play. Quas, Thompson, and Clarke-Stewart (2005) realize that “whether dolls
promote accurate or inaccurate accounts appears to depend on the details of how
questions are phrased” and not the dolls themselves (p. 442). One has to be
very careful when deciding how to phrase questions that are asked to children. Otherwise,
those questions could lead to inaccurate information.
Using Anatomically Correct Dolls
There isn’t a general consensus or set law on how to
use anatomically correct dolls. This is a big disadvantage with regards to the
scientific community. If a valid method cannot be established and repeated for
reliability then what good is it? It’s no wonder many courts are throwing out
evidence based on these toys. Larson et al. (1994) agree that guidelines for
these dolls need to be developed and taught to all those who interview children,
and that “dolls play is not a diagnostic test detecting child sex abuse” (p.
18). As mentioned before, at this point anatomically correct dolls should only
be used seriously when trying to determine a child’s vocabulary, not as a
direct indicator of sexual abuse.
Skinner and Berry (1993) point out
that there are also no standards for the manufacturing of the dolls and there
is considerable variability among them within validation interviews. It is due
to variability and the lack of scientific data supporting doll use that Skinner
and Berry believe these toys “should not be used as the basis for expert conclusions”
(p. 418). It seems rather ignorant for an expert in behavioral sciences to rely
on such an unreliable device. Skinner (1996) goes on to insist “more research
is necessary before the widespread use and popularity of the dolls are
scientifically grounded” (p. 182).
My Thoughts
Anatomically correct dolls can be
useful in some instances, such as determining a child’s terminology in an
interview, but not a direct identifier of child sexual abuse. Whether or not
parents intend for it to happen, children are often subjected to sex in many
different forms, especially via television where sex is becoming increasingly
obscene. These experiences, no doubt, can leave lasting impressions on a child,
possibly leaving them confused or perhaps even more curious. It’s quite
possible that a child who has witnessed sexuality in forms other than sexual
abuse may begin talking about what he or she has seen. These children’s
interpretations could then be taken falsely as evidence of sexual abuse. Before
you know it, the child is in a room with a strange person asking questions and
are given a doll that has parts resembling what the child has seen on
television – what else is the child going to do but experiment with the various
cavities? Of course, this is all a hypothetical situation, but a very plausible
one nonetheless. Occurrences such as these should be taken into consideration
when handing children novel toys, and everything children show or say regarding
sex should not be taken out of context without further proof (aside from the
doll).
Children’s testimonies, more specifically children
under the age of five, seem to be quite susceptible to their environment, let
alone the pressing and leading questions of an unfamiliar interviewer. Everyday
children are pressured to behave or act in an otherwise more appropriate way by
their parents. Who’s to say interviewers cannot influence children in a similar
fashion? For instance, say an interviewer initiates an interview with a
supposed sexually abused child using open ended questions (as the interviewer
should), but the child is shy or simply refuses to give details – maybe the child
doesn’t have details to give because nothing happened! An interviewer, at this
point, may get impatient and begin to ask more direct questions, using more
detail and perhaps even an anatomically correct doll for reference (i.e. “does
your daddy touch you here?”). At first, the child may still deny any instances
of sexual abuse, but the interviewer, still determined to uncover the “truth,”
remains persistent. After being asked such detailed and direct questions for so
long, the child may begin to actually believe something did happen and report
sexual instances that never actually occurred, and alas the interviewer finally
feels he or she is getting somewhere! But, in reality, the child may have just
been brainwashed by the interviewer. Again, this is a hypothetical situation,
but research has shown that this tends to happen rather frequently.
If anatomically correct dolls intend to stay around
and be helpful then there needs to be some research on their use. Proven
methods that work reliably need to be established and taught to everyone
interviewing children. Standards need to be set for these dolls to be of any
genuine use. At this point, it seems like a free for all out there, and with
regards to the scientific community these methods are completely unorthodox. As
it is, anatomically correct dolls are mere toys, and until methods of their use
are developed and accepted by the scientific community these toys will remain a
poor indicator of actual child sexual abuse.
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Utah v. Rimmasch, 775 P.2d 388 (1989)
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